Powerful Berezovsky laid low by damning judgment
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- Boris Berezovsky has died in self-imposed exile in England
- Damian Kudriavtsev says his friend reorganized Russian industry after years of inefficiency
- A UK judge gave a damning judgment on Berezovsky after suing Roman Abramovich
Damian Kudriavtsev was born in Leningrad
(now St. Petersburg), Russia. He is a writer and media executive.
Kudriavtsev has founded and owned several television, print, and
Internet businesses, some with with his friend Boris Berezovsky. For
seven years he was CEO of publishing holding Kommersant.
Moscow (CNN) -- Boris Berezovsky has died in
self-imposed exile in England. He died, whether in total loneliness, or
in his murderer's company, we don't yet know, but what we do know is
that his death was not natural. Death could not be natural for him -- he
was the most alive, the most active, the most unpacified Russian
politician.
Police have said that the death was consistent with hanging and that there were no signs of a struggle.
There is a saying in
politics, "any reference in media is beneficial, except obituary." And
Berezovsky always followed that rule. But now it is possible to speak
well of the dead, too.
He was no great
mathematician or manager -- but he made up for it with his inventive
power and tenacity. Almost singlehandedly, he helped to reorganize
Russian industrial giants after years of Soviet nepotism, inefficiency
and degrading service.
He amassed massive wealth
and political influence in the early 1990s during the privatization of
Russia following the fall of the Soviet Union. Just a few years later
this "entry-level used car seller," as the free press of the time had
described him, was instrumental in persuading Russian business to join
forces and encourage then-President Boris Yeltsin, despite his poor
public standing, to protect the country from a Communist return.
Damian Kudriavtsev
By this time politics had
become his main passion but he unwisely allowed his oil and airline
companies to be run by partners and assistants whom he had not known for
long. When he went into opposition and his support started to fall
away, he lost much of his money while his former friends and opponents received limitless wealth -- paid for through loyalty to the new political regime.
The baptized Jew very
nearly helped to stop the first Chechen war, by bringing Russian General
Alexander Lebed and Yeltsin together to sign an agreement in Khasavyurt
-- effectively conceding defeat to the small Islamic nation but the
deal would probably have preserved the territorial unity of the country
and dozens of thousands of lives.
Later he was instrumental
in stitching back together the shreds of the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS), giving autonomy to 11 local kinglets -- that
would have guaranteed common trade routes and military collaboration
instead of the imperial suppression of the past and the useless dog-poor
independence of the present.
The free press berated
Berezovsky for both of the projects, accusing him of deriving "private
benefits" then of "betraying interests of Russian people." President
Vladimir Putin ended the second Chechen war with basically the same
agreement -- pulling out Russian forces and effecting more than lavish
funding of separatist leader Ahmad Kadyrov -- but the press, its freedom
already limited, said little to oppose the deal.
The differences between
Putin and Berezovsky are less significant than many believe, that's
exactly why they worked together so easily. Both believed in the power
of media and money, both longed for the greatness of Russia, but neither
really believed in the possibility of true people power. Neither really
had a considered opinion on anything -- and were ready to change the
views to fit.
Their differences was
merely methodological, but the ruins of the great Soviet Empire that has
no religious, ethnic, ideological and cultural unity is a place where
people don't need much to become allies and friends and even less to
become enemies for life.
The last judgement on
Berezovsky was made while he was still alive, and while many believed
much of it was unfair, it was accurate in related details. Victory in
court over his former junior partner Roman Abramovich last year would
have meant for Berezovsky not just money that ran out within 10 years of
opposition activity, but a recognition of being a contributor to the
system that provided Russian oligarchs with football clubs, yachts and
billions of dollars. This recognition would have come not just from the
left-wing press, but by a civilized Western court from the mouth of
Judge Elizabeth Gloster.
Berezovsky was an
unregistered shareholder of Sibneft, a Russian oil company the
government bought back from loyal Abramovich for $13 billion. He sued Abramovich for $5.1 billion, alleging that he was forced to sell his stake for a fraction of its true value.
But Berezovsky didn't
just lose a lawsuit and money; he was refused any recognition, Judge
Gloster didn't just judge, she basically impeached Berezovsky -- for
deception, but what is more degrading -- for self-deception. And she was
right on this count.
Politician Berezovsky
had a lot of charmless features. He often did wrong, but his timing was
usually good. Many years before his death, while he still lived in
Moscow, he was leaving the Russian parliament, and joked: "Englishmen
slip away, Jews bid farewell, but do not leave, I'll be an exception,
happily."
He was an exception: he
was both a minion of fortune and its "scapegoat:" he escaped when his
time was up, first from the parliament, then from Russia, finally from
life. He duly escaped; nobody ever caught him.




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